Religious freedom is at the core of America’s identity and
heritage. The first generation of Americans could not have foreseen how
important the First Amendment would be, not only to the practice of religion
but also to its spread and inculcation deep into the culture. Freedom of
worship gave religion per se a
favored status in American society. It also ensured that there would be a
robust competition between faith groups. This competition spurred the growth of
religion among Americans, with the result that we have been both the most
religiously free nation in the world, and also among the most religious people
in the world.
Most people in today’s society would likely agree that
religious freedom is a good thing. But why? Why defend religious freedom? Why allow
religion to occupy a special place in American society? Why allow the Bible to
be the basis for the presidential oath? Why allow the motto of the United
States to be “In God We Trust”? Why post the Ten Commandments in the Supreme
Court building? Why protect the liberty of every individual to practice and
sustain their religious beliefs in public and in private?
Some say that religion has a practical value to society.
Religion gives people a reason to be moral. So, religion is necessary to
maintain a civil population. Others say that America is a Christian nation, and
so, religion is necessary to maintain a Christian identity. Still others will
use a legal argument, pointing to the First and Fourteenth Amendments and court
precedents over the past 200 or so years.
But there is a deeper and more significant answer to the
question of why religious freedom ought to be defended. That answer is found in
theology. If America is to maintain religious freedom in the present and ensure
it for future generations, then religious freedom must be rationalized on the
basis of theological arguments.
But, an objector may say, to use a theological argument to
justify religious freedom is not valid. The use of theological reasons to
defend religious freedom, by definition, favors a particular religion, to the
exclusion of others. If one is to use theology, well, which theology will one
use? Christian? Muslim? Greek myths?
Our objecting friend raises a common concern, but he need
not worry too much. There are two primary theological reasons which undergird
and justify religious freedom. First, God exists. Second, every individual is
accountable to God for the content of his beliefs and conduct. These two
theological reasons can be agreed on by more than one religion, and they are
not exclusionary in the slightest. Even a person of a non-monotheistic faith
system can benefit from such reasons. It is not necessary for everyone in a
society to agree with these two reasons in order to uphold religious freedom.
It is only necessary for the government to live and operate by these two reasons.
Since Christianity was legalized by the Emperor Constantine
in the early 4th century after Christ, arguments for religious
freedom have been based on theology. They were not based on law, pragmatism, or
sentimentality. But after the enactment of the Bill of Rights, theology has
disappeared from discussions affecting the preservation of our first freedom.
It is time to recover what has been lost.
Unfortunately, there is a significant obstacle in our path.
That is, theology has never been taken all that seriously in American culture
since the First Great Awakening of the 1720s-1740s. Theology is not useful, not
practical. It is divisive, we are told. It belongs to eggheads who live in
ivory towers, and don’t know anything about living Christianity out “on the
ground.” The realm of theology is the church pulpit on Sunday mornings, and in
the seminary classroom. The study of theology is a necessary evil, something to
get us to missions, evangelism, church growth, social justice—the really
important stuff!
The result of this way of thinking is that Americans do not
know much about theology. Many people hold to theological commitments that are
inconsistent, and thus fatally flawed. Others spurn theology because it is “a
system,” and faith in God “isn’t a system.”
So, when religious freedom is threatened or undermined, many
of us turn to arguments that are just easier to make. Arguments which rely on
legal precedent, the First Amendment, the pragmatic value of religion, or the
dubious assertion that America is a Christian nation, will only be so helpful.
But religion, which is purely a
theological enterprise, demands a theological justification—if it is to be
protected.

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